Aug. 18, 2023

We May Dominate the World: Ambition, Anxiety, and the Rise of the American Colossus

We May Dominate the World: Ambition, Anxiety, and the Rise of the American Colossus

In his debut book, We May Dominate the World: Ambition, Anxiety, and the Rise of the American Colossus, Sean Mirski, the lawyer and US foreign policy scholar who has worked on national security issues across multiple U.S. presidential administrations...

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In his debut book, We May Dominate the World: Ambition, Anxiety, and the Rise of the American Colossus, Sean Mirski, the lawyer and US foreign policy scholar who has worked on national security issues across multiple U.S. presidential administrations examines a lost chapter of American foreign policy. Specifically, the period from the Civil War to the end of World War II in Latin and South America to illustrate how the US went from a regional hegemony to a global superpower.

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Transcript
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The topics and opinions expressed in the
following show are solely those of the hosts

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and their guests and not those of
W FORCY Radio. It's employees are affiliates.

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We make no recommendations or endorsements radio
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It's employees are affiliates. Any questions or

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comments should be directed to those show
hosts. Thank you for choosing W FORCY

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Radio. Well, welcome. This
is the Bill Martina Show. Great to

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have you with the sharing a part
of your day. For more information on

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the show, check it out Bill
Martinashow dot com. We're gonna have Sean

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Mirsky app in just a moment to
talk about his new book, We May

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Dominate the World, Ambition, Anxiety, and the Rise of the American Colossus.

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In his debut book that I just
mentioned, Sean Miersky, the lawyer

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and US foreign policy scholar who has
worked on national security issues across multiple US

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presidential administrations, examines a lost chapter
of American foreign policies. And this is

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going This is incredibly interesting, and
I think you're going to sense the light

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bulbs going on as you listen to
what Sean has to share with us,

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specifically the period from the Civil War
to the end of World War Two in

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Latin and South America that illustrates how
the US went from a regional hegemony to

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a global superpower. Sean Mirsky,
welcome to show. Good to have you

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with us well, Sean, why
this book? In one word, China,

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it's a truism of international relations that
rising powers tend to be aggressive and

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expansionists, by which I mean that
they tend to pick fights there with other

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great powers, they tend to bully
their neighbors, and then they tend to

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dominate greater and greater slices of the
world. And I think China's bearing that

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out, but there's still a very
long runway. And so one of the

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questions that I had in my head
was why is it that rising powers act

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this way? And by understanding why
they act this way, is there any

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way that we can help divert China
into a more peaceful path. And so

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I thought it would be interesting to
look at the example of the United States,

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whose rise, of course was I
think astronomical, but at the same

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time was not quite as consistent with
American values as we might like to think.

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And so that's ultimately where this book
came from. So you might say,

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in the early days, as America
was spreading from east to west,

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that we were a bit of a
bully. You could definitely say that.

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I mean, certainly at the objective
level are foreign policy is filled to the

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brim with interventions, annexations, wars, and all of it I think ends

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up being much more aggressive and offensive
than I think most Americans would appreciate.

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And the heart of my book focuses
on this period from eighteen ninety eight to

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nineteen eighteen where we just really went
on a rampage to our region. We're

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using force against our neighbor as an
average of nearly three times a year,

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and in many circumstances. These are
stories that I think the average American and

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certainly I didn't know prior to kind
of looking into these things, but it's

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an important part of our history.
Well, and what you point out is

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what academia has been pointing out to
the kids in school, and this is

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given rise to a bit of this
anti American sentiment. Has it not well?

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Certainly the US record as I said, is not exactly consistent, I

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think, with the best view of
that Americans often hold of themselves. But

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at the same time, it is
part of our history, and I think

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it's an important part of our history
that needs to be understood in order to

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under stand both how to conduct our
foreign policy today and also how to deal

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with foreign policy challenges like China.
And one of the points that I make

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in the book is that even though
our foreign policy record was quite aggressive,

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it wasn't quite the story that I
think is often taught in universities today.

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Those stories tend to emphasize economic greed, that the US was going abroad essentially

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at the behest of banana companies in
Wall Street banks, and I make the

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case that that's just really not true, that the United States was ultimately acting

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out of defensive motivations, even if
it acted quite aggressively. Right well,

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And I think the opportunity here,
Sean in your book goes a long way,

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and helping us get on that trajectory
is to find that balance to where

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it's not necessarily all that the academia
is presenting in the classroom today, that

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there is some good to be taken
out of all this, and I think

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it's also an opportunity for America to
kind of have a sobering perspective on how

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we got to where we are right
now, because you know, you and

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I talked about this before. You
know, I talked to people in other

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countries, and the way they perceive
America, as you pointed out earlier,

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different than how we think America is. You know, we're the country when

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there is a national disaster in anywhere
in the world, we head on over

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there, we go into danger,
we provide services to help people out.

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But it seems that it's a bit
confusing for them because what they see is

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sometimes, you know, something that
seems to be a little bit more imperialistic.

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Absolutely, and part of the problem, I think is that Americans don't

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know this period of history very well. And so, for instance, most

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viewers or listeners might not know that
we occupied the Dominican Republic for eight years

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from nineteen sixteen nineteen twenty four,
or Haiti from nineteen fifteen nineteen thirty four.

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And at the end of the day
we might have forgotten, but the

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Haitians certainly haven't, and the Dominic
concern we haven't. And so there is

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still a legacy of these interventions today
that I think does color American foreign policy.

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But one of the other points that
I think is just worth making is

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many conventional accounts of our behavior during
this period tend to stress really malign motives.

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And I think the point that my
book tries to make is that American

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values didn't disappear from the picture.
It's not like the people in charge didn't

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care about sovereignty or classical liberal value. It's just that, for various reasons,

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simply having good intentions oftentimes is not
enough to prevent really tragic outcomes,

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right, yeah, exactly, Well, no doubt that that has been the

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case at times. But you know
what I'd like to, you know,

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see more and you kind of suggest
this in your book, Sean, and

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that is, you know, some
acknowledgement that look at nobody's perfect here,

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this was our intent. We may
have made some mistakes, or we did

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make some mistakes, not even may
make some mistakes, and you know,

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let's let's learn from that. It's
kind of like the issue of the current

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issue, or the most recent one, was how we got out of Afghanistan.

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I don't think we're fully transparent,
and I think what we've done,

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you know, kind of like you
said, whether it's Haiti or the Dominican

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Republic. You know, we came, we went, we left a mess,

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and you know, and I can't
help but feel for the people of

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Afghanistan who enjoyed some freedoms and liberties
like they hadn't before for twenty years,

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and then suddenly the carpet was pulled
out from underneath them. Yeah, And

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the parallels between our interventions in Afghanistan
and Iraq and the interventions that I talk

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about in the book are really quite
remarkable, because I think in both cases

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much of what we are trying to
do was essentially to nation build, to

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go in to set up political,
economic, and social institutions that would set

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up a peaceful, stable political order
for the people in those countries. And

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in doing so, I think our
motives weren't necessarily selfless. There were security

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reasons that we want to do that, but at the same time, we

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genuinely believed that what we were doing
would be helpful not only to ourselves but

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also to the people of the nations
we are intervening in. Unfortunately, again,

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good intentions don't always translate into successful
outcomes, and I think some of

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the same mistakes that we saw in
Iraq and Afghanistan can really actually be traced

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back to the interventions in the nineteen
odds in the nineteen tens, where again

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we went in with good intentions,
but we didn't really understand the local political

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culture. We didn't really understand how
forcible stabilization oftentimes has negative consequences and perverse

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incentives and sets up all sorts of
mechanisms and dynamics that can really lead to

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trouble down the road. And it
seems like a lesson that we have to

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keep relearning as a nation, from
Vietnam and Korea all the way down to

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as I said, Afghanistan and Iraq, and we need to slow down here

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a bit. And I think you
touched on something that's so key in all

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this, and I hope our viewers
are catching this, and that is we

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didn't fully understand. I mean,
you go into the Middle East and you've

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got thousands of years of tradition and
history, and we come in with our

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Western idea thinking we're all that and
a bag of chips, and we end

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up turning the tables upside down and
confuse the holy what have you out of

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the people that you know, they're
trying to figure out. All they want

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to do is, like everybody else, you know, find some peace to

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where they can provide for their families, educate their children, and life goes

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on. And then we come in
and think, oh, we're all that

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we've got these great Western ideas that
are so innovative and everything, and they're

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going, well, that's fine for
you, but that isn't necessarily important.

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No, but you're gonna do that. You're gonna love it, right,

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Yeah, Well, in a'sig difficult. Part of the problem was that I

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think there was a real reluctance among
American statesmen to get involved, and so

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there was a real search for kind
of silver bullet solutions. They're like,

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if you just tweak this one thing, if you just make this one reform,

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then somehow this is going to solve
all of these very deep seated problems

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in the nations we are intervening it. And so, just to give you

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one example, one of the solutions
that we thought was would just sort of

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solve everything was taking control of the
custom houses of the nations we are intervening

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in. And just by way of
background, at in this time, period,

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many of our neighbors, especially in
the Caribbean, almost all of their

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domestic income came from taxes on customs. There was no income tax, there

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was nothing like that. And so
if you look at Haitiur Dominican finances,

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nearly all of it was coming from
taxing custom from taxing trade in the form

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of customs. And that meant that
if you could seize the custom houses,

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the actual taxing authorities in a given
port, you would essentially gain control over

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the entire stream of revenue for our
government. And our perspective was, look,

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we'll just go into these nations,
will essentially seize these custom houses,

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sometimes with their consent, sometimes not, and by doing so, we can

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basically make sure that their customs are
run in a non corrupt way, we

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can make sure the money goes where
it needs to, and most importantly,

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we can protect those customs from ubles
and revolutionaries. And so the idea was,

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as long as you have Americans administering
the customs, then everything would be

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fine, and revolutions in civil war
would fade away, and these nations would

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go into this unprecedented about of prosperity. Not exactly the way it happened,

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and for a lot of different reasons, but at least one of them was

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that a lot of these nations didn't
really appreciate having their customs taken over by

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American officials, much in the same
way that we wouldn't really appreciate it if

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the irs was taken over by China. And so, you know, it

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exemplifies I think the part of what
you're talking about, which is this sense

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that, well, we can fix
these things just by applying sort of American

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ingenuity and values, and unfortunately it
just didn't turn out that way. Yeah,

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the culture is so important, no
doubt we're talking Sean Mirsky's book We

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00:11:43.679 --> 00:11:48.639
May Dominate the World Ambition, Anxiety, and the Rise of American Colossus.

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You have so many stories in your
book here, Sean, and I just

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you know, I want to hear
more of the examples, these clear examples

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of where you know, you know, I want to say that our arrogance

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got in the way and maybe we
could have been, you know, better

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global partners at the end of the
day. That was my takeaway that I

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got from your book is that we
we could be even now, it's not

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all tell in a handbasket. I
think that some of this is retrievable to

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where we could, uh, you
know, God willing be able to be

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you know, better neighbors, better
partners than have better allies if we come

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alongside them in a more holistic and
constructive manner. Yeah, and in many

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ways, in a way that doesn't
involve us directly governing these places. I

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mean, I'll get an example in
Haiti, for instance, in nineteen fifteen,

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the president of Haiti was assassinated quite
brutally. He was essentially dragged out

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of the French legation where he had
been hiding and he was torn apart by

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a mob on the streets of Porto
Prolence. And this wasn't unprecedented in Haitian

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history. In fact, in the
last seven years the country had turned through

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seven presidents. I mean, it
was just one president after another was knocked

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out of office or assassinated. And
when you love that job, hey,

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you know I've been elected to be
president. No, I like living.

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I'm gonna pass. As I said, the presidency of Haiti was an act

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actuarial nightmare for that reason, but
for our from our perspective, this really

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was sort of the final straw because
the violation of the French legation led American

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policymakers to conclude that it would be
very, very difficult for European European nations

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not to land forces if we didn't, and so it was a sort of

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preemptive measure. We ended up landing
forces, and one thing led to another.

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In our initial landing of forces in
the capital led to the occupation of

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the full country. And as I
said, this was never intended to sort

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of be this long run occupation.
In fact, there was never really any

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sort of clear plan at all.
But once we got in, it was

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very easy to let things sort of
drag on and on and on. It

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was only in the late nineteen twenties
and early thirties where there were some significant

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human rights atrocities that led to this
global outcry that the United States finally left.

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And in a lot of ways,
it's hard not to draw the parallel

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to Afghanistan, where again we went
in in two thousand and one. We

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initially stayed in the capitol. There
wasn't this full scale occupation, but over

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time we decided that to achieve our
objectives we needed to occupy the entire country

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and government in its place, And
then twenty years later we left and the

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whole thing fall apart and again Haiti. As we know from Haiti's political situation

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today, something very similar happened in
Haiti. Yeah. Sadly, as you

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were putting this book and doing all
the research for it, Sean, how

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much of your initial idea changed,
you know, as I got to imagine

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with all these stories and the revealing
of history. I mean, maybe your

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initial theory on this book had a
certain formation, and then all of a

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sudden this started growing in inertia and
you end up with a you know,

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a deeper story. Yeah, so
the story definitely, the story changed,

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the theory changed. I mean,
at the end of the day, being

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a good historian means when you're confronted
with new evidence, you don't try and

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warp it into an interesting theory.
Instead, you just look at it and

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if it changed, and your theory
has to change, not the evidence,

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right. But it was funny because, unlike most issues that I explore,

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I really went into this with no
preconceived notions, in part because I knew

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almost nothing about it, and so
I was very much a blank slate.

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And I remember reading some of the
initial primary source documents and sort of being

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struck by how much there was a
preemptive, defensive security kind of undertone too

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much of what the United States was
doing, this desire to keep European nations

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out of the Western hemisphere. And
the thing that I started to see the

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more and more I read and the
more and more I started looking in the

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archives, was that this was a
theme that just ran throughout American foreign policy.

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And there were so many exceptions there, interventions that didn't really involve that,

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and in many cases interventions had other
motivations. There's no clean kind of

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story to be told here, necessarily, but there was enough there that as

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I started to go through it,
I realized that there really was an underlying

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theme that that was relevant and frankly
relevant not just to our experience, but

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to the experience of rising powers everywhere
exactly. You know, right off the

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top, you address weakness offers temptation, and this has been a recurring theme

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that we've heard over the last couple
of years, is that, you know,

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America's weakness is emboldening those uh,
those new bullies on the block.

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So this is this has universality,
you know, context doesn't it absolutely,

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And there's a little bit of an
inside joke in that title, because part

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of it is in fact the weakness
of the United States offering temptations. And

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the line weakness offers temptations comes from
diplomatic dispatch that was by Secretary William Seward

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during the Civil War, and he
was essentially saying that the weakness of the

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United States, which of course was
tearing itself apart, meant that it offered

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European nations an opportunity to intervene in
the New World. And they absolutely did.

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Spain recolonize the Dominican Republic, France
invaded and occupied all of Mexico,

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which is something I think a lot
of Americans don't appreciate about, you know,

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the world during the Civil War,
and all of this was directly driven

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by American weakness. At the same
time, though, the weakness offers temptations

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was not just the weakness of the
United States of a strong power, but

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also the weakness of the United States
as neighbors. It was the Dominican Republic's

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chronic in stability in civil war and
revolution and Mexico's chronic civil war and revolution

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that offered European nations and entry point
into their affairs, and so one of

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the key lessons that came out of
the Civil War for American statesman was not

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only should the United States not be
weak, but we need to make sure

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that all of our neighbors are strong
stable as well, because that's the only

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way that they can keep out our
European rivals. And I think also during

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the Civil War, I mean,
Abraham Lincoln realized the power of unity and

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what he had to do in order, you know, to hold this democratic

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republic together. I mean, he
sacrificed his own life for the sake of

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unity. And I know we hear
this time and again, but you know,

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it's built into our into our name, the United States of America.

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And when we become disunited, you
know, which you could argue that we

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are today, this is very dangerous. It leaves as quite vulnerable, doesn't

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it. Absolutely. One of the
fun factoids of American history is that before

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the Civil War, the United States
was often a plural now, which is

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to say that someone would say that
the United States are a thriving democracy,

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And it was only after the Civil
War that it started to become a singular

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now in the United States is a
thriving democracy. And part of that was

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because as there was this understanding that
the United States had to stay united in

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order to effectively meet the threats that
was facing outside of its borders. Certainly,

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if the Confederacy had prevailed during the
Civil War, the entire course of

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world history would have been quite different. There's just no chance that the United

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States would have ended up being the
same kind of global superpower that it is

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today. Yeah, without a doubt. We're talking with Sean Mirsky his new

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book We May Dominate the World Ambition, Anxiety, and the Rise of the

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American Colossus. Interesting. You know, the pattern that's laid out here,

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Sean is typical of all bully nations, isn't it in a sense? Yeah?

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Right, rise. I mean,
all great powers tend to meddle in

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the affairs of their neighbors. It's
almost inevitable that if you have enough power,

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you're going to do it. But
rising powers in particular really tend to

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exhibify, to exhibit and exemplify this
behavior. And part of the reason I

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wrote the book was to try to
figure out why that was the case.

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And I make the argument, at
least in the book that part of it

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really is this sort of preemptive desire
to pre empt one's rivals from consolidating their

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influence in your neighborhood, and so
in the case of the United States,

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so much of our policy was driven
by the Monroe Doctrine, which listeners might

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remember from their US history classes in
high school, was this declaration in eighteen

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twenty three that the European nations are
going to stay on their side of the

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ocean. We're going to stay on
ours, and there's going to be a

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big keep outside in the middle of
the Atlantic Ocean that prevents Europe from coming

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and recolonizing any part of the hemisphere. And for many decades we didn't take

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that very seriously, but after the
Civil War it became the guiding star of

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American policy. It was literally the
most important thing for our grand strategy right

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up until the start of the Cold
War, and really it ended up coloring

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almost everything that we did. Well
Sean summer suggesting we need to review and

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reform the Monroe doctrine in the context
of today's emerging threats like China. Absolutely

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one of those people is me.
I wrote a op ed in the wash

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Yeah, I wrote an op ed
in the Washington Post making the case for

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a revised mon or doctrine, in
large part because since the end of the

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Cold War, we for many decades
didn't have to have or didn't have a

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reason to be worried about the expansion
of foreign rival influence into the Western Hemisphere.

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But that's unfortunately starting to change.
China's really expanding its influence in the

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hemisphere. And part of that is
just commerce. China's trading more with our

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neighbors, and of course that's to
be expected and even welcomed. Unfortunately,

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a large part of Chinese expansion is
much more political, strategic, and even

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military in nature. A month or
two ago, The Wall Street Journal reported

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that China has established four different listening
stations in Cuba, essentially despy on American

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traffic in the Gulf. And there's
talk as well of setting up a joint

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training facility between the Chinese and the
Cubans that would see Chinese true stationed on

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Cuban soil. And it's these sort
of entry points that I think are should

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be concerning to Americans because one of
our greatest advantages as a superpower is the

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fact that we don't have other great
powers at our doorsteps that we're able to

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go around the world and do essentially
as we please, while other nations have

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to worry about what's happening in their
immediate neighborhood. And so that's something I

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think we do need to focus on. But our southern border is wide open,

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and we already have reports Sean that
the Chinese are staging fighting men age

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Chinese insurgents who are already coming through
our southern border. They're paying off the

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cartel to er. We don't know
what kind of numbers that is, but

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it seems like it is a growing
concern. Well, not for my orchis

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in the Biden administration. They don't
need to be paying attention, but you

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know, for those of us that
see this emerging threat, because China has

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made it clear they want to be
the number one dominant force in the world.

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End a story. Yeah, well, and one of the I can't

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speak to those particular reports. I
will say that one of the things that

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seems to be going through China's head
is China doesn't like the fact that We've

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got military troops stationed all around its
borders. It doesn't like our involvement in

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Taiwan, and so I think in
some ways China's just mirroring our behavior and

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trying to set up shop in the
Western Hemisphere as a way of sending us

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a message that hey, if you
do this, we can do this as

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well. And so there definitely is
this sort of global contest for supremacy that

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is starting to develop well in much
the same way like what happened in Ukraine

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with Russia. You know, America
has allowed China to expand and claim sovereignty

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in the South China Sea, which
is increasing, you know, increasingly problematic

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here, you know. And it's
like that old saying you can pay me

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now or pay me later. The
idea of paying now it's less expensive and

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less complicated. Later it gets more
complicated in much the same way as we

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saw Russian troops mounting along the border
of Ukraine. You know, they weren't

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coming out there just for a bivouac
and an overnight stay. They were set

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up definitely for a military operation,
absolutely, I mean. And part of

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the parallel again to the United States's
rise, it's just really hard to miss.

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We used to say during this period
that the United States was turning the

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Caribbean into its own Mediterranean, and
the way that the Great Britain, the

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pre eminent navy of the time had
turned the Mediterranean into its own lake,

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and so we turned the Caribbean into
our own lake. But now you can

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actually see the Chinese talking about turning
the South China see into their own Caribbean.

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There's this direct sort of parallel where
they're looking at what we did and

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saying, you know what, if
this worked for the United States, this

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should work for us as well.
And so you absolutely see that expansion of

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Chinese influence in the South China see
everything from the Nine dash Lines. I

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think reports that came out this morning
and last night that the Chinese are yet

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again building an airstrip on one of
the contested islands in the South China see.

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And so again it's not that dissimilar
from the way in which we built

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naval bases throughout the Caribbean as we
are rising, yeah, and so here

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they are. I mean, we
see it as a threat, you hear,

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you know, our elected officials in
our government, you know, citing

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it as a threat, but they
don't do anything about it, Sean,

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Yeah, I mean, and part
of it is that there's a genuinely it's

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genuinely difficult to know what to do
in a sense. I mean, it

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doesn't obviously make sense to go to
war over you know, the construction of

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an airstrip in the South China see. But at the same time, this

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is part of china strategy. It's
a salami slicing strategy where bit by bit

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they do things that individually don't don't
amount to cause this belly but at the

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end of the day can leave the
United States in a much more perilous strategic

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situation. I am. I will
say that I'm greatly disheartened by the polarization

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in this country, but it has
cheered me a little bit over the last

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couple of years to see how much
there is developing a consensus around China and

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the need to do more about China. And certainly there's criticism I think that

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can be leveled of both the Trump
had Biden administration policies. But and I

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would also argue the consensus is not
moving fast enough and far enough. But

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at least we're trending in the right
direction. I think we are waking up

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to the fact that for several decades
we have been in a competition with China,

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and China has been competing and we
just haven't and in fact we've been

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we've been helping them in significant ways. Yeah, I would agree with the

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00:26:29.920 --> 00:26:33.000
one hundred percent on that, Sean, because the thing is is, I've

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often said that experience defines preference.
We had a lot of experience in the

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last couple of decades with China,
and we're seeing that when they say something,

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they mean it and nothing's going to
stop them, whether it's their confucious

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institutes that they've set up, what
over forty in the universities here in the

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United States, you know, an
outpost on Cuba, what six seven police

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stations. Capturing are elected officials,
the capturing of princelings, as Miranda Divine

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00:27:06.359 --> 00:27:11.319
calls them, which are the relatives
like the Hunter Biden, the sons and

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daughters of elected officials, because you
know, I believe it or not.

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I mean, some of these politicians
still have a little bit of a conscience

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and they want to not be so
overt about taking you direct bribes. But

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it's okay if their children are ingratiated. Somehow they feel like that's an end

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around and acceptable when we know darn
well it's not. Yeah. Well,

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and I as a parenthetical, it's
it's remarkable how long this practice has been

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going on. I mean even during
the nineteen twenties nineteen thirties, you saw

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American banks at the time hiring the
sons of dictators in the Caribbean to curry

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00:27:45.839 --> 00:27:49.359
favor and get loans and things like
that. So it really is remarkable how

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much sometimes the interests of the business
community don't necessarily align with American security imperatives.

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Well, like you say, there's
nothing new under the sun, and

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it doesn't take a genius to figure
out when you get elected officials who come

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00:28:03.960 --> 00:28:08.640
in and you know, they might
be pretty well heeled financially, and somehow

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00:28:08.880 --> 00:28:12.599
when they leave office, you know, there are a hundred times more wealthy

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on a you know, in today's
standards, maybe one hundred and seventy undred

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00:28:17.519 --> 00:28:21.480
eighty thousand dollars a year. How
do you make these mega millions of dollars?

389
00:28:21.519 --> 00:28:23.559
I mean, you got your own, you know, private loto campaign

390
00:28:23.599 --> 00:28:26.559
that's happening in the back room there
in the Senator or in the House.

391
00:28:27.079 --> 00:28:30.480
Yeah. Well, and part of
the problem, obviously too, is the

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Congress's failure to pass some of some
restrictions on its own ability to trade in

393
00:28:34.319 --> 00:28:37.079
stocks and things like that. But
at the end of the day, you

394
00:28:37.079 --> 00:28:40.160
know, we have I think a
long way to go and reform, but

395
00:28:41.319 --> 00:28:45.720
I will say that the situation has
vastly improved over time. If you look

396
00:28:45.759 --> 00:28:48.279
back at American history in the eighteen
seventies and the eighteen eighties, the amount

397
00:28:48.319 --> 00:28:52.920
of cleptocracy was just absolutely astronomical.
But in part because people like you and

398
00:28:53.160 --> 00:28:57.680
people throughout the country are raising these
concerns and putting pressure on elected officials,

399
00:28:57.720 --> 00:29:02.279
it does make a difference. It
ultimately does make a difference and helps lead

400
00:29:02.279 --> 00:29:06.359
to the sort of reforms that that
aligne elected officials interests with our own.

401
00:29:06.680 --> 00:29:08.559
Well, Sean Mirska, they took
a little pause there for a while a

402
00:29:08.599 --> 00:29:14.119
couple of years ago when it came
out, and even Nancy Pelosi had said,

403
00:29:14.200 --> 00:29:15.960
you know, hey, look we
got to back off on this.

404
00:29:15.000 --> 00:29:18.079
We're we're being a little too obvious. Uh, you know, but they

405
00:29:18.440 --> 00:29:22.400
just paused for a moment, gave
a show to everybody, and then its

406
00:29:22.440 --> 00:29:29.319
business as usual. But unfortunately it
does oftentimes seem to be two steps forward

407
00:29:29.359 --> 00:29:32.519
and one and a half steps back. So right, it's a slow process.

408
00:29:32.920 --> 00:29:36.680
Well, it's our humanity. We
just cannot we cannot help ourselves.

409
00:29:36.759 --> 00:29:40.200
You know, it's not like we
expect everybody to be perfect, but you

410
00:29:40.240 --> 00:29:44.000
know, we are striving in the
spirit of our constitution, you know,

411
00:29:44.079 --> 00:29:48.759
to come to this, you know, to arrive at this most perfect state,

412
00:29:48.799 --> 00:29:52.640
which is you know, it is
a procedure and a process, but

413
00:29:52.680 --> 00:29:57.279
you just can't abandon it altogether without
having some sort of measurement and saying,

414
00:29:57.319 --> 00:30:03.680
well, how are we doing relative
to our constitution and our declaration on behalf

415
00:30:03.680 --> 00:30:07.480
of we the people? Exactly?
And I think that actually, you put

416
00:30:07.480 --> 00:30:10.480
your finger on something that's sort of
important, I think to understand about the

417
00:30:11.119 --> 00:30:14.599
broader competition that we have with China, which is that we are very much

418
00:30:14.640 --> 00:30:18.440
as a nation imperfect. As my
book talks about. We have made many

419
00:30:18.519 --> 00:30:22.440
mistakes in the past, we will
make many mistakes in the future. Even

420
00:30:22.519 --> 00:30:26.720
internally, we're still improving, you
know, we're reforming ourselves and always trying

421
00:30:26.720 --> 00:30:32.240
to be a more perfect union.
But none of that process, none of

422
00:30:32.240 --> 00:30:36.559
that imperfection, I think means that
the United States should fall into this trap

423
00:30:36.680 --> 00:30:40.680
of what about ism or essentially saying, well, for example, you know,

424
00:30:40.759 --> 00:30:44.200
the United For Chinese officials, it's
easy to say, well, the

425
00:30:44.279 --> 00:30:47.720
United States did many of the same
things we're doing now one hundred years ago.

426
00:30:48.039 --> 00:30:49.880
Where does the US get off telling
us not to do it now when

427
00:30:49.880 --> 00:30:52.160
they did it, you know,
a century ago. And I think it's

428
00:30:52.200 --> 00:30:56.680
important to sort of not fall into
that trap and to sort of understand that

429
00:30:56.799 --> 00:31:00.519
simply because we make mistakes doesn't mean
we should endorse the mistakes of others.

430
00:31:00.039 --> 00:31:04.319
Just because you know, we engaged
in a practice doesn't mean that that's something

431
00:31:04.359 --> 00:31:07.839
that we should support today, especially
when it goes against our interests. And

432
00:31:08.440 --> 00:31:12.000
frankly, we're the difference between a
world that's dominated by the United States and

433
00:31:12.000 --> 00:31:15.880
the world that's dominated by China is
It's not a difference that's going to be

434
00:31:17.119 --> 00:31:19.359
good for most people in the world. And so I do think it is

435
00:31:19.359 --> 00:31:25.279
important for kind of the the American
exceptionalism that it really truly is part of

436
00:31:25.319 --> 00:31:29.759
American foreign policy to sort of continue
being being an important part of our policy.

437
00:31:29.880 --> 00:31:32.279
Well, to your point, it's
not so tyrannical, and what's wrong

438
00:31:32.319 --> 00:31:34.880
with saying, hey, look at
we did this, we bought the T

439
00:31:36.039 --> 00:31:40.559
shirt. It is not all good
news. This is what we experienced and

440
00:31:40.599 --> 00:31:45.759
we want to save you from having
the same complicated problem. So our experience

441
00:31:47.079 --> 00:31:51.559
and do a better job at it, because if we're consulting one another,

442
00:31:52.440 --> 00:31:56.200
you know, in the spirit of
unity and good, you know, good

443
00:31:56.240 --> 00:32:00.279
for all men. I think that's
a positive thing. Are we having those

444
00:32:00.359 --> 00:32:02.720
kind of discussion, Shun, We
are, but I think, you know,

445
00:32:02.759 --> 00:32:07.880
there's always room for more of those
discussions to be had, I mean.

446
00:32:07.920 --> 00:32:10.319
And one of the interesting things that
you see is that China very much

447
00:32:10.359 --> 00:32:15.720
does look at the example of American
policy, both present and past, to

448
00:32:15.759 --> 00:32:20.799
decide what policies it's going to undertake. And so, for instance, it

449
00:32:20.880 --> 00:32:23.039
is very much learned, at least
in the short term, from our mistakes

450
00:32:23.039 --> 00:32:27.759
in the Middle East. It has
looked at how long those interventions lasted,

451
00:32:27.799 --> 00:32:30.680
how much they cost us in blood
and treasure, and it has said,

452
00:32:30.759 --> 00:32:32.559
no, thanks, we are not
going to get involved in the same way.

453
00:32:32.880 --> 00:32:37.039
And from an American strategic perspective,
that might not be the best thing.

454
00:32:37.079 --> 00:32:38.480
In some ways, it would be
good for the Chinese to find their

455
00:32:38.480 --> 00:32:43.839
own Afghanistan, but certainly from the
perspective of kind of their neighbors and the

456
00:32:43.880 --> 00:32:45.880
rest of the world, I think
it's a positive development that the Chinese have

457
00:32:46.000 --> 00:32:51.200
sort of understood that this kind of
forcible intervention from the outside can oftentimes lead

458
00:32:51.240 --> 00:32:54.000
to quagmires that there really are not
in the benefit of any nation involved.

459
00:32:54.920 --> 00:32:59.599
We'll see whether China kind of continues
to understand that. Lesson, there are

460
00:32:59.720 --> 00:33:02.319
war signs that it might not.
But that is at least I think one

461
00:33:02.640 --> 00:33:06.720
one positive thing to come out of
our experience. Well, but Sean,

462
00:33:07.079 --> 00:33:09.400
I think that the American people in
the world could be encouraged a little bit

463
00:33:09.440 --> 00:33:15.039
because it's not like I mean,
I think sometimes our own imagination we create

464
00:33:15.200 --> 00:33:20.640
China into a bigger giant and reality
than what it is. I mean,

465
00:33:20.640 --> 00:33:25.000
they've got serious problems within their within
their boundaries, and as you mentioned before,

466
00:33:25.319 --> 00:33:29.839
I mean, they have some moral
deficiencies that you know, based on

467
00:33:29.880 --> 00:33:34.240
their construct that that's not going to
be answered. I mean, it's impossible

468
00:33:34.279 --> 00:33:37.480
for them, uh, you know, to reach the kind of heights that

469
00:33:37.559 --> 00:33:43.480
they want to reach, you know, just on sheer strength and oppression and

470
00:33:43.599 --> 00:33:47.160
power and tyranny. Uh. You
know, even our founding fathers realize that.

471
00:33:47.559 --> 00:33:52.079
And uh, you know, this
is why they, in my humble

472
00:33:52.119 --> 00:33:55.599
opinion, why they constructed the US
Constitution, and God gave them, you

473
00:33:55.640 --> 00:34:00.440
know, guidance in which to do
that to realize that you don't have a

474
00:34:00.480 --> 00:34:04.799
police force big enough to manage you
know, even you know, with our

475
00:34:04.839 --> 00:34:07.119
population in three hundred and forty million
people, I mean, you know,

476
00:34:07.159 --> 00:34:13.320
the communist Chinese we're talking you know
what over you know, over a billion

477
00:34:13.360 --> 00:34:16.719
people population wise, how can they
manage all that? There's not enough force

478
00:34:16.920 --> 00:34:21.679
in which to do that. I
think that's right, I mean, and

479
00:34:21.760 --> 00:34:24.400
I think in the long term the
Chinese Communist Party is very much headed for

480
00:34:24.400 --> 00:34:30.199
a fall because it really is difficult
to imagine that they can sustain this forever,

481
00:34:30.599 --> 00:34:35.800
and particularly when so much of the
sort of implicit political bargain that they've

482
00:34:35.840 --> 00:34:38.199
made with their people is really starting
to fray at the edges. I mean,

483
00:34:38.280 --> 00:34:45.639
for decades the Chinese have essentially,
the Chinese leaders have essentially promised economic

484
00:34:45.679 --> 00:34:51.360
growth and prosperity and exchanged for continued
communist rule. And as we all know,

485
00:34:51.440 --> 00:34:52.920
the Chinese economy is really starting to
slow at this point, and there

486
00:34:52.960 --> 00:34:58.719
are cracks starting to show that might
suggest China's even headed for recession, which

487
00:34:58.760 --> 00:35:02.719
is a sort of remarkable down from
the rates of oftentimes ten percent GDP growth

488
00:35:02.719 --> 00:35:07.960
that you saw in the past.
And as that implicit bargain falls apart.

489
00:35:07.960 --> 00:35:10.079
I mean, the Communist Party is
really looking for alternatives. One of the

490
00:35:10.119 --> 00:35:16.000
worrisome ones is nationalism, where the
Chinese leaders are really starting to stoke Chinese

491
00:35:16.079 --> 00:35:22.079
nationalism as a way of essentially justifying
their own continued rule. But the logical

492
00:35:22.199 --> 00:35:25.280
endpoint here is that if you're the
Communist Party and you're saying, well,

493
00:35:25.320 --> 00:35:29.960
Taiwan is part of China, all
you know, saw China see is our

494
00:35:30.320 --> 00:35:35.880
exclusive you know province, Eventually you're
going to get into a situation where the

495
00:35:35.960 --> 00:35:39.719
Chinese leaders feel that for domestic reasons, they might need to launch military interventions

496
00:35:39.719 --> 00:35:45.119
abroad. And so the situation in
a lot of ways, China's slow down

497
00:35:45.280 --> 00:35:50.639
is good from the perspective of a
long term competition between US and the Chinese,

498
00:35:50.960 --> 00:35:54.000
but it's also worrisome because it can
lead to incentives to use force that

499
00:35:54.079 --> 00:35:59.039
might set up a bigger conflict.
Yeah, when they get desperate, that

500
00:35:59.280 --> 00:36:04.320
creates all lines of you know,
dominoes to fall. We're talking with Sean

501
00:36:04.360 --> 00:36:08.400
Mirsky's book We May Dominate the World, Ambition, Anxiety, and the Rise

502
00:36:08.800 --> 00:36:15.360
of the American Colossus. Sean,
the thing you know, as you were

503
00:36:15.400 --> 00:36:19.559
talking, you know I'm thinking,
Wow, New York is has a lot

504
00:36:19.679 --> 00:36:23.280
of empty apartments because a lot of
people have left New York, and you've

505
00:36:23.320 --> 00:36:29.320
got a lot of empty buildings there
in China as well. Maybe we can

506
00:36:29.360 --> 00:36:31.880
send some migrants over there, because
you know, I think New York is

507
00:36:31.920 --> 00:36:37.639
over, you know, over being
overwhelmed by the number of migrants, and

508
00:36:37.679 --> 00:36:40.039
they're realizing, you know, as
a sanctuary city that they you know,

509
00:36:40.199 --> 00:36:45.800
so designated themselves that they can't handle
what it is they wanted. I imagine

510
00:36:45.800 --> 00:36:52.400
the Chinese Communist Party would not be
thrilled with that idea. But perhaps But

511
00:36:52.480 --> 00:36:55.840
the other deal too is like what
we touched on early or Sean, I

512
00:36:55.840 --> 00:37:00.000
mean, you got more men.
I mean the ratio of men to women,

513
00:37:00.519 --> 00:37:05.440
I mean, there is no way. And you've got a lot of

514
00:37:05.519 --> 00:37:10.400
young men who are not married.
I mean, you're gonna throw them into

515
00:37:10.440 --> 00:37:17.519
a situation as we're seeing in other
countries where you know, unmarried young men

516
00:37:19.000 --> 00:37:25.639
who are not having a relationship with
a woman heterosexually. Can you know,

517
00:37:25.760 --> 00:37:30.559
can vote dangerous for its neighbors because
uh, you know, these aren't happy

518
00:37:30.599 --> 00:37:35.800
campers and they'll strike out just like
you suggested. Yeah, I mean that's

519
00:37:35.840 --> 00:37:39.480
one other kind of as you said, I think pressure on the Chinese to

520
00:37:39.519 --> 00:37:45.519
do something militarily. I mean,
it's not unprecedented history for nations that have

521
00:37:45.599 --> 00:37:51.679
in a sense of blood of young, unmarried men to engage in military expeditions

522
00:37:51.719 --> 00:37:55.480
that end up in fact somewhat morbidly
using those men up in the course of

523
00:37:55.920 --> 00:38:00.760
conflicts. And so that's definitely a
concern. Uh, definitely another thing to

524
00:38:00.800 --> 00:38:04.719
be concerned about. I think.
See that's the only thing. Then you

525
00:38:04.800 --> 00:38:08.360
then you start you know, channeling
your your John Lennon Yoko Ono. You

526
00:38:08.440 --> 00:38:12.280
make love not war. You just
send a bunch of women in the middle

527
00:38:12.320 --> 00:38:15.840
of all these uh fighting communists Chinese
and uh, you know, and they'll

528
00:38:15.920 --> 00:38:20.800
just feel better and maybe we can
get besa around here. I know,

529
00:38:21.039 --> 00:38:25.320
still surely I jest, but you
know, getting back to uh, you

530
00:38:25.360 --> 00:38:30.760
know the point here, and that
is that you know, China is emerging

531
00:38:30.159 --> 00:38:34.559
on all levels, as you mentioned, is not just here. Uh,

532
00:38:34.599 --> 00:38:37.360
you know, their Belt and Road
initiative. How they are you know,

533
00:38:37.480 --> 00:38:45.159
really setting things up not only near
but you know in other parts of the

534
00:38:45.199 --> 00:38:49.159
world. Yeah. Well, and
last time we spoke, I brought up,

535
00:38:49.239 --> 00:38:52.760
or you brought up the example of
dollar diplomacy, which was this policy

536
00:38:52.800 --> 00:38:57.480
that was followed by the United States
starting with really the Taft administration in nineteen

537
00:38:57.480 --> 00:39:00.719
o nine, and the idea essentially
was it was a policy with a lot

538
00:39:00.760 --> 00:39:06.599
of moving parts, but the essential
idea was that by exerting American financial control

539
00:39:06.679 --> 00:39:10.800
over the Western Hemisphere, we'd be
able to essentially squeeze Europe out. And

540
00:39:10.840 --> 00:39:15.199
so part of that was, as
I mentioned earlier, seizing these custom houses.

541
00:39:15.360 --> 00:39:21.519
Excuse me. Part of it,
though, was also refinancing loans in

542
00:39:21.519 --> 00:39:25.800
and around the region, European loans
through American banks, and so if Europe

543
00:39:25.800 --> 00:39:30.960
had taken out had loaned let's say
Nicaragua, a significant amount of money,

544
00:39:30.159 --> 00:39:35.239
the United States would go into Nicaragua
and essentially say, hey, here,

545
00:39:35.320 --> 00:39:37.679
let me introduce to JP Morgan.
JP Morgan is going to give you the

546
00:39:37.760 --> 00:39:40.880
money to pay back that loan in
full, and instead of owing the money

547
00:39:40.920 --> 00:39:45.480
to Europe, you'll owe the money
to the United States. And the idea

548
00:39:45.719 --> 00:39:50.119
was essentially to flush European influence out
of the region. In a lot of

549
00:39:50.119 --> 00:39:53.280
ways, it was actually quite successful
and China, China once again is taking

550
00:39:53.519 --> 00:39:58.000
a page out of the US playbook. You see that with br you see

551
00:39:58.000 --> 00:40:01.039
that with other initiatives that China is
pursuing, that there is this part of

552
00:40:01.039 --> 00:40:06.840
what they're trying to do as they're
trying to avoid having the US dollars sort

553
00:40:06.840 --> 00:40:10.960
of be uh well, to be
both the reserve currency, but also for

554
00:40:12.000 --> 00:40:15.519
these loans to be owed to American
banks, because they understand that loans can

555
00:40:15.519 --> 00:40:20.400
often be times oftentimes be used to
exert political leverage, and so more and

556
00:40:20.480 --> 00:40:22.639
more, I think part of what
you see with these Chinese loans is not

557
00:40:22.760 --> 00:40:27.400
just an interest in making money for
the Chinese state, although that's certainly part

558
00:40:27.400 --> 00:40:30.880
of it, but also a desire
to sort of push the United States out

559
00:40:30.920 --> 00:40:35.519
of its region and out of strategic
areas, and also to gain the Chinese

560
00:40:35.519 --> 00:40:37.079
state some of its own influence.
Well, Sean, you know, you

561
00:40:37.119 --> 00:40:42.480
talk about how the United States so
when took over their debt basically and you

562
00:40:42.519 --> 00:40:45.039
know, loan them money. We
loan money. If the truth be known,

563
00:40:45.519 --> 00:40:51.000
that's kind of maybe for some a
hidden secret. I think the communist

564
00:40:51.119 --> 00:40:55.519
Chinese olmous you know, trillions of
dollars that they have, you know,

565
00:40:55.559 --> 00:41:00.840
they've refused to pay back. They
did pay back England, but they didn't

566
00:41:00.880 --> 00:41:04.480
pay back the United States. And
that's just one of those things that are

567
00:41:04.519 --> 00:41:07.880
that's hanging out there, and I
think with compound interest. I'm not sure

568
00:41:07.880 --> 00:41:12.519
what that is amounted to, but
I know that it's you know, it's

569
00:41:12.559 --> 00:41:15.280
over a trillion dollars that they're in
debt, and they're claiming, well,

570
00:41:15.320 --> 00:41:21.960
that's the old management, we're new
management. But international law says there's no

571
00:41:22.039 --> 00:41:28.440
such thing as old and new management. That you carry the responsibility into the

572
00:41:28.480 --> 00:41:32.639
new management as well, right well, and one of the so that's generally

573
00:41:32.679 --> 00:41:37.840
speaking, that's correct as a as
a matter of international law. One of

574
00:41:37.880 --> 00:41:43.079
the I mean oddities of our competition
with the China right now is the degree

575
00:41:43.119 --> 00:41:47.320
of interdependence, not only financially but
also economically obviously, and so on the

576
00:41:47.320 --> 00:41:51.039
one hand, you know, China
owe the United States money. On the

577
00:41:51.039 --> 00:41:52.559
other hand, we owe China lots
of money. As you know, the

578
00:41:53.000 --> 00:41:59.360
Chinese have bought up US bonds.
I don't remember the exact statistics now,

579
00:41:59.400 --> 00:42:01.280
but at least for one point that
we're the you know, our nation's largest

580
00:42:01.280 --> 00:42:07.119
external creditor. I think I've heard
like thirty percent or something of the thirty

581
00:42:07.159 --> 00:42:10.199
two trillion that we're in debt something
like that, something might be just absolutely

582
00:42:10.320 --> 00:42:15.159
enormous, and and again it's sort
of one of the kind of oddities of

583
00:42:15.199 --> 00:42:19.679
the competition is trying to see how
it's going to unfold in this situation,

584
00:42:20.039 --> 00:42:22.000
because in the past and the Cold
War, for instance, we really didn't

585
00:42:22.039 --> 00:42:28.039
have this type of interdependence with Russia. The Soviet Union had its own block,

586
00:42:28.079 --> 00:42:31.960
We had our block. Economic relations
were largely within blocks, as opposed

587
00:42:31.960 --> 00:42:36.880
to across them. And so for
many years, I think the kind of

588
00:42:36.880 --> 00:42:40.920
prevailing theory of American foreign policy was
the more we integrate with China economically,

589
00:42:40.960 --> 00:42:46.039
the more we become interdependent, the
more peaceful things will become, because China

590
00:42:46.480 --> 00:42:51.960
won't want want to rock the boat
for sort of monetary reasons. And the

591
00:42:51.960 --> 00:42:55.480
more liberal China would become over time
liberal in a classical sense, it will

592
00:42:55.599 --> 00:43:00.440
would democracize, it would democratize,
that would be a middle class. But

593
00:43:00.480 --> 00:43:06.239
of course that particular theory I think
didn't work out, and I think that's

594
00:43:06.480 --> 00:43:09.760
that's what Richard Nixon at all,
poor Ryan Richard Nixon going forward, But

595
00:43:09.800 --> 00:43:14.760
certainly it was mostly I think this
theory really took off in the nineteen nineties

596
00:43:14.840 --> 00:43:19.639
under Bill Clinton, with China's accession
into the WTO, but it was a

597
00:43:19.679 --> 00:43:23.719
mistake frankly that was kind of perpetuated
by both the w. Bush administrations and

598
00:43:23.760 --> 00:43:29.199
the Obama administrations as well. And
you know, one of the things that

599
00:43:29.519 --> 00:43:32.519
history could have taught people who are
optimistic about this is that at the end

600
00:43:32.519 --> 00:43:36.840
of the day, security concerns are
always going to trump economic ones. And

601
00:43:37.480 --> 00:43:43.199
you might have significant parts of the
country that are invested financially in China's continued

602
00:43:43.239 --> 00:43:46.239
growth and continued success and vice versa, but it's just never going to be

603
00:43:46.320 --> 00:43:50.760
enough to really kind of overcome national
security concerns. And so I think that's

604
00:43:50.800 --> 00:43:54.320
part of what's contributing to the current
what is variously called decoupling or de risking,

605
00:43:54.360 --> 00:44:00.880
but the sort of gradual decrease in
the economic relationship, at least in

606
00:44:00.960 --> 00:44:06.239
some strategic sectors. Well, Sean
Mirsky is, uh, you know,

607
00:44:06.280 --> 00:44:12.199
we've become this globeless economy. There's
got to be some leadership. And I

608
00:44:12.559 --> 00:44:15.559
know when I say that, all
of a sudden, you know, the

609
00:44:15.599 --> 00:44:20.199
World Economic Forum, and this is
what Klaus Schwab, he envisions himself as

610
00:44:20.239 --> 00:44:25.920
being the leader of everything. But
there's got to be some you know,

611
00:44:27.360 --> 00:44:34.800
beneficent leadership on a global scale that
can bring these disparaging forces together for good.

612
00:44:35.480 --> 00:44:38.760
Is that is that just an illusion
on my part? I wouldn't say

613
00:44:38.760 --> 00:44:43.599
it's an illusion. I would say
that you might be waiting for a while

614
00:44:44.880 --> 00:44:47.559
to develop. Part of the problem
is that that is the role that the

615
00:44:47.639 --> 00:44:52.719
United States has played in the world
essentially since the end of World War Two,

616
00:44:52.400 --> 00:44:55.519
during the Cold War. Obviously that
leadership is limited to sort of the

617
00:44:55.519 --> 00:45:00.320
West, but at least since the
fall of this overt the United States has

618
00:45:00.360 --> 00:45:05.159
tried to play that global leader role, and I think the significant extent is

619
00:45:05.159 --> 00:45:08.320
still trying to play that role.
The problem has become that the United States

620
00:45:08.320 --> 00:45:14.199
has become comparatively weaker over time,
and we're now in a situation where we

621
00:45:14.280 --> 00:45:17.519
remain I think, the strongest power
in the world, but our extensive commitments

622
00:45:17.559 --> 00:45:21.519
abroad, as well as the mistakes
we've made, as well as the trouble

623
00:45:21.719 --> 00:45:25.519
frankly that we have at home,
has meant that our ability to exert that

624
00:45:25.559 --> 00:45:31.119
global leadership is somewhat limited, and
so unfortunately, I do think the trends

625
00:45:31.119 --> 00:45:36.360
in the long run are kind of
towards more of the disorder, both in

626
00:45:36.400 --> 00:45:38.760
a political military sense, but also
in a sort of economic financial sense.

627
00:45:39.199 --> 00:45:43.079
It is getting much much harder,
I think for for nations to sort of

628
00:45:43.079 --> 00:45:46.880
come together and agree on commonalities.
Sean, you you'd kind of touched on

629
00:45:46.920 --> 00:45:52.760
this lightly earlier in the conversation,
and it had to do with, in

630
00:45:52.760 --> 00:45:58.400
a sense, the way I heard
it is the spiritual background, backbone and

631
00:45:58.800 --> 00:46:04.400
morality of this kind free and how
this has been compromised, and what we're

632
00:46:04.440 --> 00:46:10.119
projecting to our allies and the world. I think people around the world think

633
00:46:10.280 --> 00:46:15.880
less of America because where we find
ourselves spiritually compromised. What do you think?

634
00:46:17.000 --> 00:46:21.159
I think that's certainly part of the
story that can be told. I

635
00:46:21.199 --> 00:46:29.599
mean, one thing that I would
point out is the American attitude towards towards

636
00:46:29.679 --> 00:46:35.360
values and morality. I think since
the beginning has been that the time was

637
00:46:35.400 --> 00:46:38.000
on our side, that essentially,
if the United States could just survive and

638
00:46:38.000 --> 00:46:44.159
sort of prosper on the North American
continent, that overtime democracy would naturally spread

639
00:46:44.199 --> 00:46:46.239
because it was a superior form of
government, and over time the world would

640
00:46:46.239 --> 00:46:50.880
democratize. And that was like the
prevailing theory ever since the founding. I

641
00:46:50.920 --> 00:46:53.320
think all the way up really frankly
to the present day, we're going to

642
00:46:53.400 --> 00:46:58.320
be that light on a shining hill, John Wynn exactly exactly, exactly that.

643
00:46:58.800 --> 00:47:02.119
And I I think one of the
things that Americans and I think there's

644
00:47:02.239 --> 00:47:06.440
much that's true about that story.
I mean, I think if you look

645
00:47:06.519 --> 00:47:10.559
at foreign people abroad, it is
remarkable how in nearly every nation, if

646
00:47:10.599 --> 00:47:15.119
given the chance, people would prefer
to choose their own leaders. I mean,

647
00:47:15.159 --> 00:47:17.639
it doesn't sound that crazy when you
put it that way, right,

648
00:47:19.159 --> 00:47:21.639
But at the same time, I
think one of the things that the United

649
00:47:21.679 --> 00:47:25.360
States has started to learn or relearn, I should say, is that when

650
00:47:25.400 --> 00:47:30.320
the United States is not itself strong, and when democracies are not themselves strong

651
00:47:30.360 --> 00:47:35.400
in terms of material power, that
that has downstream effects for the overall success

652
00:47:35.440 --> 00:47:39.400
of democratic ideology. And so in
the nineteen thirties, for instance, part

653
00:47:39.400 --> 00:47:45.760
of the reason that fascism spread very
quickly and spread to multiple nations is because

654
00:47:45.800 --> 00:47:49.960
it looked like it was the next
successful ideology. Democracy looked like it had

655
00:47:50.000 --> 00:47:52.920
failed, it had led to the
Great Depression, and it wasn't solving these

656
00:47:52.960 --> 00:47:57.599
problems in the way that fascism at
that time seemed to be. You could

657
00:47:57.639 --> 00:48:00.280
tell a similar story about communism in
the forties and the fifth where for brief

658
00:48:00.320 --> 00:48:05.119
period it really looked like a much
more successful mode of governance, and democracies

659
00:48:05.119 --> 00:48:08.440
where on the back foot, and
I think you're seeing something today, something

660
00:48:08.480 --> 00:48:13.159
similar today, where the American model
of governance, in part because of our

661
00:48:13.239 --> 00:48:17.840
internal divisions, looks less attractive abroad, and so that there is this sort

662
00:48:17.880 --> 00:48:22.159
of ebbing tide of democracy. If
you start looking at the statistics, it

663
00:48:22.199 --> 00:48:24.800
becomes clear that less and less nations
are fewer, and fewer nations are free.

664
00:48:25.119 --> 00:48:29.880
Fewer and fewer nations really qualifies democracies. Part of that is that I

665
00:48:29.880 --> 00:48:32.039
think we're getting weaker. Part of
that is our internal problems. Part of

666
00:48:32.079 --> 00:48:37.559
that is China is. China rises
and has a different model of governance.

667
00:48:37.599 --> 00:48:42.000
It's very attractive. I think about
a minute left here, Sean Mirsky United

668
00:48:42.079 --> 00:48:45.440
Nations. To that end, are
they helping or hurting us? I would

669
00:48:45.440 --> 00:48:50.679
say helping, but quite marginally.
I think the United Nations gets a lot

670
00:48:50.719 --> 00:48:53.760
of criticism for not doing anything or
in some ways being affirmatively unhelpful, and

671
00:48:53.800 --> 00:48:58.000
I think much of that criticism is
warranted. But the end of the day,

672
00:48:58.039 --> 00:49:00.480
the United Nations is not much more
than simply the sum of all the

673
00:49:00.519 --> 00:49:05.360
different countries in the world, and
so it shouldn't be that surprising that when

674
00:49:05.360 --> 00:49:08.519
countries can't agree on stuff, the
United Nations can't do much either. But

675
00:49:08.639 --> 00:49:12.800
certainly no reason to be looking to
the United Nations for the sort of global

676
00:49:12.880 --> 00:49:15.559
leadership that you're suggesting, because unfortunately
you're just not going to find it there.

677
00:49:15.960 --> 00:49:20.800
Well, when they're dominated by communists, I mean, the leadership,

678
00:49:21.159 --> 00:49:25.800
what can you expect? How is
that compatible with a democracy? Yeah?

679
00:49:25.880 --> 00:49:29.679
Well, and one of the mistakes
I think that the United States has made

680
00:49:30.119 --> 00:49:34.719
is not to be more involved in
the United Nations because what ends up happening

681
00:49:34.760 --> 00:49:37.400
is that a lot of a lot
of large number of these committees and sort

682
00:49:37.440 --> 00:49:45.079
of subbodies within the United Nations end
up getting led by Chinese individuals or by

683
00:49:45.079 --> 00:49:51.079
frankly, other nations nationals that simply
aren't don't have the same values that we

684
00:49:51.119 --> 00:49:52.760
do. And so I do think
it is important for us to make sure

685
00:49:52.760 --> 00:49:57.159
that we're involved, in large part
to prevent what you're talking about. Well,

686
00:49:57.159 --> 00:50:00.199
Sean Mirsky, thank you for being
with us. Sean is they while

687
00:50:00.199 --> 00:50:06.360
your US foreign policy scholar who has
worked on national security issues across multiple US

688
00:50:06.440 --> 00:50:10.079
presidential administrations. His new book,
We May Dominate the World, Ambition,

689
00:50:10.239 --> 00:50:15.679
Anxiety, and the Rise of American
Colossus, available at all the usual places

690
00:50:16.039 --> 00:50:24.800
and must read so that you really
engage your understanding and your level of intelligence

691
00:50:24.960 --> 00:50:30.400
of what America is about and what
the world is about when it comes to

692
00:50:30.440 --> 00:50:34.519
foreign policy and these emerging threats.
Sean, it cannot thank you and now

693
00:50:34.559 --> 00:50:36.880
thank you so much for being with
us. I appreciate it. You take

694
00:50:36.880 --> 00:50:39.679
care, Thank you for having me
Bill take care of Sean murskyar Thanks to

695
00:50:39.760 --> 00:50:45.280
him for more information and to be
part of this mighty Martinez movement to return

696
00:50:45.320 --> 00:50:47.559
to God and to save our country. Check it out Bill Martinez Show dot

697
00:50:47.639 --> 00:50:52.000
com. May God bless you and
keep you. Make his face shine upon

698
00:50:52.119 --> 00:50:57.079
you. May He be gracious unto
you and give you peace. Go and

699
00:50:57.199 --> 00:51:00.960
be a blessing. Thank you for
being with us. Take care,