Sept. 1, 2026
The Bill Martinez Show 09 01 26
The Bill Martinez Show 09 01 26
Transcript
WEBVTT
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Are you ready?
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Yeah.
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Okay, let's do it.
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Bill Martinez Live, a program about current events, our culture,
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our values, our politics, and our future.
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And now, Bill Martinez.
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Well, good morning, America. Glad you could join us six
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minutes after the top of the hour right now. We've
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got Murtad Mardy Yousafzani joining us. He's the director of
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the Iran Freedom Project with the Middle East Forum. Mardy,
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welcome to the show. Good to have you with us.
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Thank you, Bill. Thanks for having.
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Lots to talk about here. I love what you're bringing
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up here because I agree with you. I think that
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what's been missing in all that's been going on with Iran,
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you know, bombs, now sanctions that seem to be going.
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I mean, last I was checking this morning, I think,
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what is it, over two million to one ratio against
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the dollar right now. You know, gas lines. It just
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has to be horrendous. for the people, for the Iranians there.
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But as we've been saying, when you're negotiating with a
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death cult, for them, they look at it as, in
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a sense, they have nothing to lose. I mean, and
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I think it's hard for people in the West to
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understand this because we cherish life. They're not worried so
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much about this life because they see life beyond this,
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this time here, right?
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That's correct, Bill.
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I think it's very telling. Secretary Besant today or yesterday
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said something that really stands out. And he said that
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we're trying to push and we hope and we expect
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that the Iranians, meaning the regime, will come to their senses.
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Well, that's the key point.
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Their senses, what they sense and what their ideology tells
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them is not intuitive, is not based on what we
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believe sensibility is. They have an ideology that believes in
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martyrdom They have an ideology that dictates to them to
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fight to the death, to the end, and there is
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no exit for them. And so they will elevate, elevate
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the tension and try to raise the risk reward ratio
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as far as they see it, not how we see
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it here in the West. And so that is the
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issue and that's a challenge.
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Well, and the thing that is a challenge for us
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here in the West, and I believe we're still carrying
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the grief of World War II and releasing the atom
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bomb in Japan. I believe that that haunts us to
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this day when it comes to military action. And we
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have been careful as a country to say, hey, we
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don't want to go there. But the deal is, is
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that you can't dictate that. War has a personality and
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demands of its own. And I think that when you
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start trying to orchestrate an outcome that is out of
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your purview, so to speak, I think you get yourself
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in trouble and you get into a quagmire, which is
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what we've experienced since World War II. Because, I mean,
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whether we're talking about Japan or Germany, those were two
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like-minded death cults, were they not?
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Well, I mean, I think at the end of the day,
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what you're saying, Bill, is that the cost-benefit ratio, whatever
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caused and enabled the end of the Pacific campaign, World
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War II, to come to an end, That notwithstanding, what
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we're looking at today is the cost, the cost on
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certainly the United States Armed Forces, the cost on global economy,
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and as well as the cost on the Iranian people.
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Let's remember, do not destroy the country you claim to
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seek to free. That means exactly what you're saying. If
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we have this military option on the table right now, unfortunately,
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there is a measure beyond, there is a point in
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measure beyond which it is counterproductive. And we want to
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make sure that somehow we have a deterrent effect against
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the regime. At the same time, make sure that Iranian
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people themselves do not catastrophically get cornered, because at the
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end of the day, it'll be a lose-lose. So we
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need to make sure how far we need to take
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this far.
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Well, and the thing that we've already realized, you've had
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I've heard estimates anywhere from 50,000 to 80,000 citizens that
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have been murdered by the IRGC there in Iran. And
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that grieves most of us here in this country. And
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as you state, we're seeing the military pressure, but we're
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not seeing the political architecture. How do we raise up
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the political architecture? And it's got to be something more
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than just saying, hey, we got to get the people guns.
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I mean, there has to be something there. that we're
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not doing in order to, I guess, to add pressure,
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you know, upon this current regime that would force them
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out because, you know, having, you know, hundreds of thousands
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of people in the streets only invites the IRGC to
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mow them down again, right?
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Well, that's, yes, that's true.
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And wherever the numbers are, there are a thousand too
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many killed. Now, of course, the regime has been very
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capable of obfuscating the actual number of people it killed
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a few months ago. But we saw that the regime
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has never held back. It has consistently basically signaled to
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the Iranian people and the world and the region that
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it will do all it can to stay in power.
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And that means killing its own citizenry. So when the West,
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when the United States looks at Iran, there's a point
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at which we need to look at how how exactly
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will the Iranian people, which are our biggest and most
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important asset, how can they be empowered? I'm very happy
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to have seen that Washington has sort of avoided anointing
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anyone from exile to serve as successor to the regime
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because it knows that whatever actually assumes, whatever process assumes
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power in Iran will need to come from inside Iran.
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So the instinct is right there. I think at this point,
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Washington needs to look at how to amplify connectivity inside
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Iran among the people, how to document the crimes against
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humanity that the regime has committed, allow and create space
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for pluralistic coordination inside Iran so that the Iranian people
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can come together. Let's not forget The regime and its
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goons and its leaders have nowhere to go. They have
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no off exit ramp. They have nowhere to go. So
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it's very, very important when we look at the additional
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pressure coming on. What is the exit ramp Washington is
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looking to offer to the Iranian regime? At this point,
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it's a lose-lose. The regime has nowhere to go. It
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is under enormous economic pressure. As you said, the rial
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has collapsed. 2 million. At one point it was 70.
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You know, 47 years ago, when this regime took over,
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the rial was 70 to a dollar. Today it's 2 million.
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Shortage of gas, food, water, all sorts of services have
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been shut down, government in terms of servicing the citizens
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of Iran. And so it's a matter of time where
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the regime itself, the state may be facing collapse, but
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not the political infrastructure. And that is the challenge we're facing.
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A state collapsing is one thing, a regime walking away
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and handing power is another.
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Yeah.
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And what's the likelihood of that regime walking away?
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Well, it is not likely at all because it has
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demonstrated as it exercised in Syria when it decided to
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sustain Bashar Assad, it, it, executed and put into practice
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what it is doing today, meaning taking guns and clubs
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to the streets and against the people. And this is
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where this combination of massive military strikes and punitive measures
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that was delivered to the Iranian regime combined with the
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economic collapse brings pause and concern to us because when
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you have a population incapacitated and unable to take on
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a regime, we have a combination that is very, very
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concerning there. So we need to take a pause and
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make sure whatever comes next includes a political solution, as
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you said, a political architecture that allows a transition. At
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this point, war and missiles and dropping bombs has not
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proven effective. And so we need to combine and bring
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together a political formula whereby those opposition figures inside Iran
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can combine and organize their resources with the Iranian street,
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with the people, and hopefully convince a process whereby a
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transition that's acceptable can come into play.
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We're talking with Mirdad Yusufiani. He's the director of the
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Iran Freedom Project of the Middle East Forum. 15 years
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as a senior strategic counselor to Iran's crown prince, an
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insider opposition perspective, a current analysis of the Middle East Forum,
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credible nonpartisan policy voice, and bridges the gap between Trump's
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military pressure and the need for democratic alternatives. So, Marty,
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where we are right now, and as much as we
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